Military intervention can't be ruled out as riots again break out in Iran:
SPECIAL TO WORLD TRIBUNE.COM
Monday, February 12, 2001
IRAN SWEPT BY NEW
PROTESTS NICOSIA — Iran faces another round
of violent anti-government protests over the
weekend as demonstrators and police clashed
in Teheran.
The clashes
erupted on Friday when police tried to stop
one of the boldest protests against the
Islamic republic. About 3,000 protesters
chanted and held banners reading "We Are
Against the Islamic Regime."
Police seized and
destroyed the signs and clubbed the
demonstrators.
On Saturday,
about 300 demonstrators protested what they
termed the lack of freedom of speech in
Iran. Again, police dispersed the
protesters. In another development, Germany
has warned Iran against building nuclear
weapons. The warning was relayed during the
weekend visit to Berlin by Iranian Foreign
Minister Kamal Kharazi. "We expect that Iran
does not seek to acquire nuclear weapons
technology in view of the volatile situation
in the region," German Foreign Ministry
Andreas Michaelis said. Online Defense &
Foreign Affairs Daily on February 7, 2001.
Iran's Political and Economic Crisis is
Worsening and Deepening Iran, in many
respects is once again drifting toward
chaos, much as it was in 1978, but now due
to worsening of political and economic
problems. A military solution, domestically
and internationally, is not acceptable, but
the rôle and support of the Iranian Armed
Forces in any transformation of the country
or resolution of the crisis, is vital.
Without the support of the Armed Forces, no
Iranian government can stay in power or come
to power given the current realities.
GIS/Defense &
Foreign Affairs Daily and the monthly
journal Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic
Policy, have consistently highlighted the
explosive situation in Iran, but few in the
US Administration paid adequate attention to
this key strategic country, located between
the two energy zones, with a large, young
population, with significant strategic
resources, and a great and regionally
influential cultural identity. Iran is
clearly on the threshold of great change.
The Islamic
Republic of Iran — that is, the state
structure and leadership adopted following
the Iranian revolution of 1978-79 — is beset
with many political, social and economic
problems and does not have answers to them.
President Mohammad Katami that has been in
the office for more than three years has not
been able to take any positive action to
solve ever-increasing problems of the
country. He lacks power and courage and has
been too subservient of the Supreme leader,
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and too dedicated to
the preservation of the system of Islamic
government. And reformist's members of the
Sixth Majlis (parliament) are too timid to
challenge radicals to pass some reform
bills. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and former
President Ali Akbar Rafsanjani are now
clearly in charge of all key government
activities, and are masters of domestic and
international relations. They have, in a
modern sense, transformed Iran into a
"gunpowder state", reliant on directing and
support international terrorism and building
weapons of mass destruction (WMD) to achieve
influence in regional and global affairs and
to be able to project their radical goals
onto other Islamic countries.
There is ample
evidence to show that concepts of
modernization and economic development hold
little appeal to the Iranian clerical
leadership and they do not understand
present reality of the world. History shows
that:
When a majority
of the population of a country is comprised
of youth who are extremely frustrated and
unhappy, When the economic situation is
worsening day by day, When government is
pervasively corrupt and despotic and unable
to take action for real reform, then that
country will explode. We see these symptoms
in Iran today. The question, then, is when,
and in what form, the "explosion" will take
place?
We need only to
look back at the period of the Iran-Iraq War
and subsequent Iraqi invasion of Kuwait to
understand that Iraqi motivation at that
time was focused on the prospect of breaking
up the Iranian "empire", which comprises
numerous different nationalities, religions,
linguistic and cultural communities.
There is concern
among elements of the Iranian opposition
inside Iran and abroad that many in the US
policymaking community have not been able to
understand the anatomy of the Iranian
Islamic system, failing to grasp the fact
that President Khatami is acting chiefly, as
public relation man of the clerical
Administration rather than a reformist
president. His policy of wavering and
vacillation neither works inside or outside
of Iran.
Inside Iran, there is significant disaffection
among the people tribal areas, within the
military and even to a remarkably high level in
the Islamic Republic's own guardians, the
Revolutionary Guard Corps (Pasdaran). Due to the
mistrust of the ruling theocrats, there have
been several changes even purge in the Army and
the Revolutionary Guard high commands in last
few months.
Iranians specially the military have been always
proud of their strong cultural identity and
history, but the ruling clerics have been
completely undermining cultural tradition, and
teachings of history and the image of ancient
historical and national heroes such as Cyrus the
Great and others. As well, the Iranian Armed
Forces are not happy with their leaders' arms
procurement policies and lack of strategic
perception. They are not happy with what they
perceive as inferior Russian military
technology. The Chernobyl nuclear disaster under
the Soviets and the 2000 loss of the Russian
nuclear attack submarine Kursk had a bad impact
on Iranian military attitudes toward Russian
technology, especially bearing in mind the fact
that the Iranian Navy now relies on Russian
Kilo-class submarines (SSKs) for its major
punch.
Almost any Iranian can outline the major
problems facing Iranian society today:
· Gross
violations of human rights continue;
·
Pro-democracy students are serving long term
prison and are tortured;
· Many
opposition personalities have peen
incarcerated and tortured;
· More
than 30 newspapers and periodicals have been
closed down, and their editors and writers
jailed; There are 10-million unemployed;
· Every
year 1,400,000 new workers enter the work
market and the Government can only provide
400,000 jobs leaving 800,000 to be added to
the unemployed;
· Every
year 1,300,000 students are ready to
register in universities and there are only
400,000 places for them, leaving 900,000
unadmitted;
· Iran's
economy is totally controlled by bonyads
(foundations), run by senior clerics, their
sons, relatives, and bazaar merchants who
are working with clerics. And the nation's
principal wealth, its oil income, is
mismanaged and dedicated to the support, in
sophisticated ways, of terrorist groups
worldwide;
· In the
past several months, protests and riots,
because of lack of freedom, repression, and
the worsening economic situation, have
erupted in 10 cities and have been subdued
harshly. Students of universities are in the
forefront of these protests.
The Iranian
military has always been seen as a patriotic
force rather than the instrument of a
particular government, as demonstrated by
the fact that the late Shah refused to use
the Armed Forces to fire on Iranian citizens
during the protests of 1978-79, and the fact
that the Armed Forces for their own part did
not attempt to intervene as a political
arbiter on behalf of the Shah. The Armed
Forces understand their historical mission.
Since the 6th Century BCE, when Cyrus the
Great united the Medes and the Persians and
established the Persian Empire, the
independence of the country has always been
based on Persian culture and Persian Army.
Since the 1978-79
revolution, the military has been out of the
line of authority and has been watching the
Revolutionary Guard, and especially the
Basijis, who have been the instruments of
repression of the clerics who rode to power
on the back of the uprising brought about by
the students.
The clerical
Administration has recently been relying
more on the Basijis rather than the
Revolutionary Guards, and planning to give
more arms and power to them. Army officers —
young colonels and generals the many Guard
officers — are nervous and concerned about
the general situation of Iran. In the case
of confrontation between the people and some
segment of the Guards or Basijis and/or the
infiltration of some foreign-supported
elements, the military will not hesitate to
enter the scene to remove clerical rulers
who are becoming sources of disunity in
Iran. There are some indications that the
military may, with disaffected Revolutionary
Guards, in the name of nation, for
preservation of unity and integrity of Iran
to act to prevent destruction the country.
There are many Iranians inside and outside
of the country who believe that majority of
the Guard also could join the military in
support of a pro-democracy movement in Iran.
The Armed Forces leadership, reliable
sources tell GIS, is aware of the fact that
although a military coup would not be
supported domestically and internationally,
it is clear that the military is, as it has
always been, a decisive factor in Iranian
politics.
Military sources
also told GIS that the Armed Forces
leadership is aware of the difficulty of the
military running government, quite apart
from the matter of international acceptance
of military governments, and is conscious of
the difficulties facing the Pakistani
military Government. However, the military
leaders are aware that they could support a
civil political leadership to pave the way
for a truly elective government. Indeed,
most civil opposition leaders know that the
support and blessing of the Armed Forces is
vital.
There are many
credible personalities among the different
opposition groups inside and outside of Iran
who can and will be able to play important
rôle to end the present impasse. One of
those who enjoys the respect of many senior
military leaders is Washington DC-based
exile leader Dr Assad Homayoun, President of
Azadegan Foundation, a nationalist
organization. He is a strategic thinker, and
has written many papers on strategic maters
of Iran and other countries. He is an
opposition leader who has not been tainted
with foreign money, and can talk to the US
Congress and power centers. Dr Homayoun, a
few years ago, issued two statements, in
full pages of The Washington Times,
explaining the political situation of Iran
and the necessity for the restoration of
democracy in Iran. The first statement was
signed by 100 and the second by 71 U.S.
generals and admirals emphasized that for
peace in the region and preservation of
integrity of Iran, the removal of the
clerics from power was imperative.
In his last
statement, he criticized the strongly
militant Islamic-marxist Mujahedin-e-Khalq
(MEK) stationed in Iraq. Homayoun has
extensives connections in Iran, U.S. and
elsewhere. The Iranian military and the
Revolutionary Guard know him and understand
that he has, almost uniquely among Iranian
opposition leaders, remained aloof from
scandal and taint. He has always supported
the military and even praised the sacrifices
of the Revolutionary Guard in defending Iran
against the Iraqi invasion