Iran, because of its size, population, cultural identity, resources
and its location as a historical, geographic and an economic link
between East and West, in addition to bridging two vital centers
of energy, namely, the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf, assumes
an importance greater than ever before. Today, the overarching
significance of Oil in the global economy and the concomitant
rise of nationalism and religious particularism has vividly added
to Iran's importance not only as a passive link, but as a key
player and indeed instigator and arbiter of events transpiring
in the entire adjacent region. This "adjacent" region
stretches from the shores of the Mediterranean to the semi deserts
of Afghanistan, and Baluchestan in Pakistan, to the towering peaks
of the Caucasus to the shores of the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean.
Iran in every sense of the word, is the center of this varied
moment< - -Moreover, few important decisions among the regional
states regarding political and economic interests can be made
without considering the interests and reactions of Iran. From
the foregoing, it is apparent that Iran's geo-strategic location
in the region places an extra-ordinary prerequisite for adeptness
and ability in domestic and foreign affairs, on the shoulders
of its government leaders. Focus on Iran believes that the current
Iranian government fails miserably in that requirement.
This leadership's behavior in the past decade reflects the cleric's
inability and ineptness in dealing with the outside world and
addressing the needs of its people. The burden thus, placed on
the Iranian government is great and considering its inability
and incompetence, so is the impelling necessity of replacing it
with a government that is capable of meeting the present challenge
and the future needs of the nation. An essential factor bearing
on the reputation and effectiveness of any future Iranian government
(as well as for any other democratic government) is its credibility.
This credibility
must exist both in the minds of its people and the international
community. Since the clerics in Tehran, rule without the consent
and will of the Iranian people, therefore they lack that vital
quality and credibility. All these failures of the current government
of Iran, has contributed to its apparent irrational and self-destructive
behavior. In response to such short-sighted policies, Iran's leadership
has not only become a "pariah" government in die global
community but it is also mistrusted and extremely unpopular in
the eyes of the Iranian populace.
IRAN AS THE FOCAL POINT AND THE GEO-STRATEGIC CENTER OF THE MIDDLE
-EAST AND THE ADJACENT REGION
In order to appreciate Iran's critical and important geo-strategic
location as links between East and West (the Middle East and South
Asia), North and South (the Caucasus-Central Asia and the Persian
Gull) one only needs to look at the accompanying schematic diagram
with its reference points (1-16) which are discussed in this issue.
Perhaps, no other country in the world finds itself surrounded
by as many nations and geographical points, bearing issues relevant
to a nation's domestic and external security and/or survival needs.
Reflecting on this geo-strategic reality, the imperative for a
superior and credible national leadership for Iran becomes even
more evident. Focus on Iran, will now illustrate this imperative
by highlighting the impact of each of these 16 reference points
on Iran's foreign and domestic security and national interests
and how the current regime has failed to address these issues
due to its incompetence, misunderstanding, lack of breath in foreign
affairs or in pursuing its narrow self-interest rather than the
national interest.
1- THE CASPIAN SEA:
The vital fishing industry on the southern beaches of the Caspian
Sea is threatened in short term, with pollution from the Oil fields
at Baku and others in the Western Caspian Sea and, in long tern,
pollution from the Volga and Ural rivers. The current regime has
not pressed for an environmental compact between itself, Azarbaijan.
Russia, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. The failure to do so will
have significant economic consequences for the nation in the future.
2-TURKMENISTAN:
Relations with this nation at present is good. In fact, a railroad
is planned to connect Ashkhabad with Mashad. The obvious conclusion
upon inspection is that Mashad will be connected by Rail to Trans-Caspian
Turkmenistan and by that means to points further east in the former
Central Asia Republics. It would appear that the current regime
hopes to reap political benefits through this rail linkage. More
to the point, are the desired economic and strategic benefits,
which are purchased at a price the nation most likely cannot afford,
especially, the uncertain returns on this investment and the economic
needs of the populace. Focus on Iran believes the price to be
too high for the dubious future benefits.
3-AFGHANISTAN:
By its ineptness and lack of long range vision, the clerical leadership
has become involved in the "Afghan Quagmire", namely
by attempting to insinuate its influence in Kabul at the potential
cost of deteriorating relations with Pakistan and a large emigre
population of Afghans in the Khorasan province. The "Taleban"
who became an important factor in Afghanistan's policy in the
last two years, for political and strategic reasons, have been
supported by Pakistan. It would be more prudent and rational,
if not more to the nation's long term interests, if the ruling
clerics remained aloof from the political turmoil in Afghanistan
till "the dust settles."
4- PAKISTAN:
Relations with Pakistan which indeed as allies in CENTO in the
height of the Cold War, had been close and cordial for decades,
has significantly cooled within the past year. The clerics' support
of the Kabul War Lords against the Pakistani supported Taleban
Sunnis, along with the ostentatious rapprochement with India,
has further exacerbated the distance between Tehran and Islamabad
The consequences of this cooling relationship is yet to be seen
both in terms of benefits for Iran from India and possible problems
with the Baluchis in both Iranian and Pakistani Baluchestan. With
all of its other external and domestic problems, Iran can ill
afford to bring about a hostile Pakistan on its Southeastern frontiers.
5- OMAN:
Relations with Oman seem to be relatively on a friendly basis,
with a mutual desire to maintain calm and unobstructed passage
in the Strait of Hormuz , for the benefit of both nations. It
should be emphasized that, this mutual interest is to permit the
uninterrupted flow of Oil through the Strait -- an economic necessity
for Iran, a strategic and political necessity for Oman.
6- THE STRAIT OF HORMUZ:
The current regime realizes the economic necessity of keeping
the Strait of Hormuz open for its own Oil exports; its problem
is how to deal with the Oil exports of states deemed hostile at
present or in the future. The Tehran leadership must foresee that
any attempt on their part to interfere with flow of Oil through
the Strait would incur the military intervention of the U.S.A.
and other major military powers. Focus on Iran believes that the
present clerical regime would not be capable of dealing with a
crisis involving the Strait of Hormuz.. Rather than pursuing a
rational policy concerning an uninterrupted Oil flow through an
internationally respected water-way, the current leadership is
likely to pursue a course inimical to the national security interests
of Iran. Islamic Republic's reputation as a "Pariah State"
would most likely limit its ability to formulate an internationally
acceptable policy in regards to the Strait of Hormuz which could
concurrently be beneficial to Iran's security interests.
7 & 8 - THE PERSIAN GULF ISLANDS AND THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES:
The issue of Iran's sovereignty over the small Persian Gulf islands,
namely the Lesser and the Greater Tumbs and Abu Musa, are intervened
by the U.A.E. and hence, for the sake of our discussion, are considered
collectively. The value of the Islands as a source of off-shore
Oil deposits has greatly enhanced their political and economic
importance. The issue here is not sovereignty but rather the ineptness
of the Tehran regime in its handling of the Islands' recognized
sovereignty. It should be noted that since November 1971, when
Great Britain, the Sheikh of Sharja and Iran agreed on Iran's
sovereignty over the Islands, the issue was tacitly recognized
by the international community. For misguided reasons,-the clerics
in --Iran have-possibly-re-introduced the-issue for domestic political
purposes. By doing so they have not permitted the "sleeping
dogs to lie" which, would have been the prudent and insightful
course. Now it has become an issue of conflict with the U.A.E.,
with the international community not necessarily supporting the
assumed uncontested sovereignty of Iran over these Islands. The
dispute over the Islands need not have occurred. Once again Iran's
national interest has been jeopardized by the incompetence of
the clerical regime and their lack of comprehension of the international
community's temper, especially in regards to a vital area such
as the Persian Gulf.
9- QATAR:
Relations with Qatar are friendly since both countries share a
common antipathy towards the Saudi Arabia, albeit for significantly
different reasons.
The current regime has supported Qatar in its ..on again -- off
again" border dispute. From Riyadh's point of view, this
border dispute is but a minor distraction in its overall Persian
Gulf foreign policy and strategic outlook. For the Islamic Republic
to become involved in such a relatively minor problem, is to waste
important diplomatic resources at a future time when Saudi Arabia's
friendship and support might be needed, as for example, against
a resurgent and belligerent Iraq. Once again this behavior reflects
the short-sightedness and the shear level of misunderstanding
of important and critical foreign policy matters by the Mullahs'
regime in Tehran.
10- BAHRAIN:
Iran's relations with Bahrain are unnecessarily convoluted and
seemingly Machiavellian. In the far distant past, namely from
the time of the Sassanid Emperor Shapur 11 in the 4th century
A.D. up until the time of Fat'h Ali Shah Qajar, "Persia"
laid claim to the Island but, in the modern era, Iran along with
the international community and the United Nations in 1971, has
recognized Bahrain's independence. The current clerical leadership
has, on several occasions hinted at its _reassertion of claims
to Bahrain, perhaps to reinforce its sovereignty over the disputed
Persian Gulf Islands. In this "tit - for - tat" game,
Islamic Republic would not only lose all the historical credibility
and control Iran has had over these Persian Gulf Islands but would
become even more isolated in the international arena for undertaking
such a scheme. The lesson of the Persian Gulf crisis of 1990 to
1991 over Kuwait should be borne in the minds of the clerics in
Tehran. Bahrain like Kuwait has many powerful allies who, would
not permit Islamic Republic's intimidations and threats to come
to fruition.
11- SAUDI ARABIA:
It is not surprising and indeed understandable that Islamic Republic
and Saudi Arabia would be rivals for hegemony over the Persian
Gulf. The two nations represent centers of their respective Islamic
sects (Sunni Saudi Arabia - Shiite Iran). They share economic
supremacy with their respective petroleum production. Each shares
world attention because of their economic and strategic importance.
The small but significant number of Shiite workers (around 10
percent) in the Oil fields area, represent to the habitually reclusive
and suspicious Saudi leadership, a security threat which became
a reality with the abortive attempt to seize the great mosque
at Mecca, after the Ayatollahs' accession to power. The need for
amicable relations and cooperation between Iran and the Saudi
regime would in many ways benefit Iran far more than-the Saudis-,
especially strategically and economically. In the latter case,
a cooperative relationship could have positive results in stabilizing,
if not raising, the Oil prices in OPEC. Certainly, Iran would
be a financial beneficiary of such a cooperative effort. Strategically,
regional peace and political stability are vital to both nations.
Islamic Republic's support of terrorism and interference in the
region's national / domestic affairs can bring nothing but eventual
harm to Iran. In this matter, the Saudis are most concerned and
reactive to Tehran's foreign machinations, fearful that in the
end their regime would be subject to religious or political undermining.
This state of affairs has caused the Saudi government to invest
billions of dollars for defense and the United States intervention
in the Persian Gulf. Because of their misguided foreign policy,
the clerics have brought about mistrust and anxieties in Riyadh
along with the resultant arms race which is potentially detrimental
to all nations of the region and perhaps more so for the Islamic
Republic itself.
12- KUWAIT:
Iran's relations with Kuwait are at the most "friendly",
much of it based on their mutual concern for Saddam Husain's future
hostile intentions. It would seem that the clerical leadership
missed a golden opportunity during the Persian Gulf crisis of
1990 - 1991 to lend its moral support, at the minimum, to Kuwait
- the victim of Iraqi aggression which Iran itself experienced
a decade earlier. Because of lack of "political foresight
and knowledge of the international temper", it failed to
react. In some quarters the charge of cowardice has been placed
on Iran, a charge which the noble, enduring and courageous people
of Iran do not deserve. If Tehran sought Baghdad's gratefulness
and reward for its "neutrality" and for its objections
over the United States involvement, the trophies earned have not
yet been forthcoming.
13- IRAQ:
Since the 1988 cease-fire after an 8 year war with Iraq, Iran's
relations with the latter have taken unpredictable and at times
irrational turns. One is led to believe that Tehran has done its
utmost to cant' Baghdad's favor at almost any cost and, without
apparent benefits. Focus on Iran surmises that the clerical leadership
believes (and erroneously so) that its reconciliation with Baghdad
would possibly create an Anti-Western Axis which would ultimately
include Syria. This axis would thereby threaten Israel, Jordan,
Saudi Arabia, and certainly Kuwait. Tehran might calculate that
a friendly relationship with Baghdad will solve the Kurdish problem
redounding both countries. In either case, if indeed these are
Tehran's motives for its friendly relations with Iraq, they are
doomed to fail. In the first place, the likelihood of Damascus
and Baghdad reaching an accord is null considering the irreconcilable
split in the Baathist political environment and Syria's priority
of negotiating the return of the Golan Heights for an Israeli
quid-pro-quo, namely the suppression of the clerics' backed Hizbollah
terrorists in Southern Lebanon. In this event Syria is likely
to reach an accord with Israel and the United States, at the expense
of its close relationship with the Islamic Republic. It should
be noted these warm ties have cooled over the past few years which
may further indicate Damascus jettisoning the Mullahs in Tehran
for more favorable relations with the USA. Secondly, regarding
the Kurdish issue, the Kurds of Iraq are under U.N. protection
and are not likely to be entrusted to Saddam Husain's mercy.
Iran's Kurds are different and their issues ought to be attended
to in an alternative mode by a humane national Iranian
leadership. Tehran's flirtation with the pariah regime in
Baghdad could not bring long lasting benefits to the country
other than further isolation from the international community.
There is nothing to be gained by an alliance with an outlaw
regime. If the current Tehran government
should bring about a coalition or alliance with Iraq, it would
indeed be the reincarnation of the sinister Axis of the World
War II era.
14-TURKEY
Among all of Iran's neighbors, Turkey has the most powerful military
force and is closest to the West (through NATO). Iran's relation's
with Turkey, since the break-up of the Ottoman Empire, have been
correct and for the most part friendly. They share, to a certain
degree, the issue of the Kurds' and desire for stability in their
adjacent regions. Over the years both nations have participated
in mutually beneficial trade and commerce as well as uninterrupted
cross border transit of people and goods. During the cold war
both nations shared the concern and defense of their respective
borders with the Soviet Union. Today the long standing amity may
be threatened by Tehran's interference in Ankara's domestic affairs.
The recent elections in Turkey, which has seen the defeat of the
secular pro-Western "True Path" Party of Prime Minister
Tansu Ciller and the slim victory of the Islamic fundamentalist
"Refah - Welfare" Party. There is evidence that many
Iranian financial and political resources are backing the "Refah"
Party. It should be noted that to date, the "Refah"
Party has been unable to form a coalition with the other pro-Western
secular parties. The "Refah" has only 21 % of the Parliament
seats, far less than the required ruling majority. It is of vital
concern to regional peace, stability and the global democratic
interest that, Turkey's government remain a secular democratic
one, free of the radical influence and/or interference of the
clerics in Tehran. Should the "Refah" Party succeed
to form a coalition government in time, the coalition partners
are likely to be destroyed resulting in a fundamentalist radical
dictatorship.
15- AZARBAIJAN:
Since the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union, the Tehran leadership,
instead of establishing a rational relationship which relies on
historical and cultural ties, has pursued a policy of becoming
involved in the domestic affairs of the newly created Republic
at Baku. Since the population of Azarbaijan is predominantly Shiite,
the task for the clerics in Tehran, on the surface, could not
be an arduous one. The desire of any religious or political entity
to wish for a neighboring state to share its values, is comprehensible.
In this instance, however, the clerics' involvement in Baku will
be eventually resented and anti-Iranian reaction would manifest
itself. It must be remembered that Northwestern Iran has a large
Azari community which could become a problem if a hostile regime
in Baku should come to power. The Mullahs in Tehran should bear
this in mind for the long term consequences, if their current
policy fails in Azarbaijan.
16- ARMENIA:
The short 30 mile border with Armenia wedged in between the Azari
enclaves of Nakhchevan and Azarbai jan, reflects some degree of
importance of Christian Armenia to Iran. The border region is
extremely rugged with no cross-border land routes. Economic and
social interaction between the two nations are not substantial
and therefore no forcible problems is likely by the clerical leadership.
From the foregoing, it is obvious that the current clerical regime
has only a few points on its circumferential frontier where it
maintains friendly and non-controversial relations (i.e. Oman,
Kuwait, and Armenia). Among the other 13 points on its periphery,
the clerical government finds itself risking ventures ranging
from local domestic interference to threatening regional political
stability and military security. In the latter case, even risking
the military intervention of the Great Powers. In all these cases
little benefit is seen for the Iranian nation and its people given
the risks and costs to Iran. Focus on Iran is of the opinion that
the current benighted leadership in Tehran, is either blind to
the dangers facing Iran due to its vile policies towards its neighbors
or, is taking calculated risks in pursuit of unwise and unrealistic
goals. If past history were to be the guide, then it may be judged
that this is the behavior of totalitarian regimes which ultimately
causes their own downfall.